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Colombia: Supporting solidarity: why the world must bolster Colombia’s response to the Venezuelan displacement crisis - 2019 Board of Directors Mission Report

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Source: Refugees International
Country: Colombia, Venezuela (Bolivarian Republic of)

Principal author: Daphne Panayotatos

Summary

In recent years, worsening political turmoil, economic collapse, and blatant violations of human rights have forced people to flee Venezuela in increasing numbers. As of November 2019, more than 4.6 million Venezuelans had sought refuge outside their country—the second largest displacement crisis in the world and the largest in Latin America’s history.

Colombia is host to 1.5 million Venezuelan refugees and migrants—the largest number by far. From the start of the crisis, the Colombian government has extended a relatively generous welcome to Venezuelans. It has mobilized emergency humanitarian assistance, facilitated access to services and work, and created mechanisms for hundreds of thousands to regularize their status. More broadly, Colombia has served as a leader and an example at the regional level, maintaining open borders even as other countries increasingly close their doors.

In fact, the failure of regional host countries to truly align their policies has left Colombia to shoulder the consequences of its neighbors’ increasingly restrictive measures. Meanwhile, the United Nations, recognizing the enormity of the crisis, created a regional platform jointly run by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR) and the International Organization for Migration (IOM). It is designed to better coordinate the UN response across its relevant agencies, implementing partners, and major host countries, and mobilize the necessary resources. The response of the donor community, however, has fallen short.

In this context, Colombia’s capacity to respond is growing increasingly strained. Insufficient resources and institutional capacity limit the public sector’s ability to accommodate the Venezuelan population. The UN’s corresponding coordination mechanism at the national level, the Interagency Group on Mixed Migration Flows (GIFMM), has struggled to work efficiently alongside the existing humanitarian architecture in Colombia.

Many Venezuelans lack information about the rights and services available to them. Those who are aware often face practical obstacles to accessing them, such as complex bureaucratic processes or unexpected fees. Despite Colombia’s generous policies, the majority of Venezuelan refugees and migrants enter and reside in the country irregularly, with little assistance and at much greater risk. Further, vulnerable groups, including women and girls, lack access to specialized services. Others have been discriminated against as xenophobia increases.

These trends are likely to worsen as the number of Venezuelans seeking refuge in Colombia—and staying for a protracted period—rises. Developments at home and in the region strongly suggest that this continued rise is likely. Meanwhile, Colombia is grappling with its own domestic challenges. Despite a 2016 peace accord formally ending a decades-long civil war, armed groups continue to operate in the country, and nearly 8 million Colombians remain internally displaced. Public opinion increasingly finds the government’s implementation of the accord to be unsatisfactory. In November 2019, frustration with this effort and other domestic policies erupted into nationwide protests that, in turn, triggered a backlash against Venezuelans.

These recent developments underscore how the deteriorating internal displacement crisis is colliding with the increasing pressures created by the influx of Venezuelans, exacerbating the humanitarian consequences for all. As donors and humanitarians have shifted their programming to address the needs of displaced Venezuelans, the country’s internally displaced population is increasingly marginalized and neglected. Many refugees and migrants settle in the same communities where Colombian internally displaced people (IDPs) reside, leaving these two highly vulnerable populations to compete for resources. This trend could be aggravated by plans to scale down the presence of the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA)—the UN body responsible for coordinating the response to Colombia’s IDP crisis.

To address this reality, the response must increasingly support mid- to long-term measures that benefit both displaced populations as well as their host communities. The situation demands solutions that facilitate Venezuelans’ social and economic integration into host communities, even as immediate humanitarian aid remains critical for those newly streaming across the border. Additional support from the international community is critical. Without it, Colombia cannot maintain its generous policies for Venezuelans or address the needs of its own citizens. Such support would create incentives for other states to model Colombia’s approach and promote greater stability nationally and regionally. Ultimately, a comprehensive response backed by adequate resources is essential for Colombia to provide the protections and assistance due to all displaced people inside its borders.


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